Trust across many US governmental and nongovernmental institutions has declined dramatically over the past decades. This decline has occurred gradually over time, and it is not simply explained away by Democratic voters not trusting Republican politicians when they’re in power or Republicans voters not trusting Democratic politicians when they’re in power. For instance, according to Pew opinion data, in 2023 only 16% of the American public trusts their government in Washington to do the right thing almost always or most of the time. This compares with 44% in 2000, 54% in 1970, and over 70% trusting the government in 1960. Nor is this lack of trust limited to one type of government institution: Congress, the presidency, and the federal judiciary have all experienced historic declines. Moreover, the trend extends to American institutions outside the government including the media or, closer to home, higher education.
This crisis in confidence challenges these institutions’ legitimacy and ultimately can compromise their missions. In the electoral area, election officials in presidential battleground states have experienced threats and harassment and consequently, many officials in these states are retiring. In the law enforcement arena, police departments across the country have experienced a wave of retirement combined with recruitment difficulties, with retirees claiming that they no longer feel they have the public’s backing. Of course, neither these nor other institutions should be above criticism, and our center’s mission includes offering and evaluating reforms. But there’s a large difference between criticism and delegitimization.
The founder of the Hoover Institution Herbert Hoover stated that the institution exists in large part to “support the Constitution of the United States, its Bill of Rights, and its method of representative government” and that “with these purposes as its goal, the Institution itself must constantly and dynamically point the road to peace, to personal freedom, and to the safeguards of the American system.” The Center for Revitalizing of American Institutions –which we refer to as RAI-- in multiple ways affirms these founding goals. Drawing on the Hoover Institution’s scholarship, government experience, and convening power, RAI will study the reasons behind the crisis in trust facing American institutions, analyze how they are operating in practice, and consider policy recommendations to rebuild trust and increase their effectiveness.
RAI has three main themes from which we’ll produce scholarship, policy analysis, and dissemination of findings to help the nation meet the current challenges to our institutions. The first theme is Governmental Institutions. Fundamental to any democratic system are the formal governmental bodies that represent and serve the citizenry. At the national level, these bodies span elected offices, such as the presidency and Congress, in addition to unelected institutions including the judiciary, military, and executive agencies. Moreover, as we talked about at yesterday’s afternoon panel with Governors Moore and Sununu, the nature of federalism in the United States makes state and local governmental institutions the primary actors in many policy areas and important partners in others. Key questions in this theme will include how the balance of power across governmental institutions has developed across time, how well our institutions reflect the preferences of constituents, how well they protect civil liberties and foster prosperity, and which reforms might facilitate trust and improve the institutions’ effectiveness. Today’s panels on executive power and the administrative state, trust in Congress, and trust in the military all fit squarely within this theme.
The second theme is Nongovernmental Organizations and Democratic Practice. Successful democracies rely not only on governmental bodies, but also nongovernmental organizations and practices that enable citizens to organize, allow political opposition to form and challenge incumbent governments, and that foster innovation and societal well-being. An important component of this theme will be to support work that relates to the health of elections, including election administration; on the media; and on free speech. Additionally, this theme will encompass organizations that provide alternatives to the state for information and innovation, such as universities and corporations, in relation to these organizations’ roles in creating a healthy democratic society. Key questions include evaluating the most effective policies and practices for ensuring participation in and the integrity of American elections; how freedoms of speech, expression, and assembly have evolved across US history; how developments in the media have shaped public discourse and the political system; and the role of universities in creating and sustaining a healthy democracy. Today’s panels relating to this theme include the session on universities and civic culture and the one on election administration.
Our third and final theme is Democratic Citizenship. At the heart of representative government is the role of individuals in terms of their relationships with democratic institutions. As such, one component of this theme will be work on public opinion and behavior, including on electoral accountability. Additionally, the theme encompasses the development of individuals’ commitments to constitutional democracy, their understanding of the rights and responsibilities of American citizenship, and preparing citizens for informed, active, and ethical participation in democratic processes. Key questions will include how people develop an understanding of and commitment to American institutions; what are the public’s policy positions, priorities, and candidate preferences; what are effective civic education programs; and how well does the public hold elected officials accountable for their actions. Today’s lunchtime session on the 2024 elections will delve into some of our work in the area of public opinion and political behavior.
Sometimes I’m asked what we’ll do once all our institutions are revitalized. And our goal at RAI is certainly that over time, this is the challenge we’re facing. In a serious way, however, our center is dedicated to learning from what’s working well in addition to what needs improvement. Considering the system more broadly, we have a situation where the United States remains the most desired country for immigration according to international survey data; where--as we discussed yesterday—our federalist system engenders state and local innovation; and where our Constitution and laws have evolved to protect minority rights and facilitate commercial, artistic, and intellectual freedom. These and our country’s other achievements stand in contrast to the public crisis in trust and to the actors across the political spectrum who are building on this lack of confidence to try to delegitimize our institutions. Revitalizing will require a combination of a commitment to understanding and preserving what’s working, an openness to reform of what’s not working, and substantial effort to improve our civic culture both within and outside of our education institutions.
Brandice Canes-Wrone is the Faculty Director of the newly founded Center for Revitalizing American Institutions as well as the Maurice R. Greenberg Senior Fellow of the Hoover Institution and Professor of Political Science at Stanford University
